Greater Greater Washington. The Washington, DC area is great. But it could be greater.

Posts by Daniel Nairn

Daniel Nairn is a graduate student in Urban and Environmental Planning at the University of Virginia. He works, plays, and studies in Charlottesville. He also blogs at Discovering Urbanism

Roads


The Variety of American Grids

I wanted a nerdy planning-related poster for my wall (other than the periodic table of city planning), so I made one this week. I scoured Google Earth and measured that quintessentially American grid in about a hundred downtowns around the country.

Of course, there are variations in block proportions within downtowns, but I tried to pick cities that had more uniformity than average to come up with a single prototype. (Washington, DC has very little uniformity.)


Click for the poster-quality version (large PDF).

Exploring these grid proportions messed with my preconceptions. I assumed the more western and newer cities would have larger grids than the more eastern and older cities, but no obvious pattern is discernible to me. Mobile, AL, settled by French colonists in the early 18th century, Tulsa, OK, a 19th century farming town, and Anchorage, AK, a 20th century frontier town, all share the same 300' x 300' internal block (street widths vary a little). What compelled the early settlers of these towns to choose, say, 220' over 440' lengths? I can't say I have any idea right now.

Manhattan is also a curious story. According to Witold Rybczynski, the expanding nation unequivocally chose the 1811 Commissioner's Grid of New York City over L'Enfant's baroque-influenced plan for Washington, DC as the model for new towns. While this is surely true, it begs the question: why are New York's long and skinny blocks not found anywhere else in the country? You would think at least one group of western settlers would seek to emulate their home town of New York more exactly.

I'm leaving aside the interesting value questions around block size. Ever since Jacobs, conventional wisdom has held that smaller blocks are preferable for walkability, but urban designer Fannis Grammenos challenges the grid somewhat in a Planetizen post.

Crossposted on Discovering Urbanism.

History


The physical evolution of Blagden Alley-Naylor Court

Blagden Alley-Naylor Court is a designated historic district in the Shaw neighborhood, contained between O and M Streets and 9th and 10th Streets. What makes these blocks significant are the alleys that remain almost perfectly intact in their original 1865 alignment.

Many homes were built on alleys throughout the city in the late 19th century, particularly to house an influx of African American residents. Living conditions were difficult, and most of the alleys had been cleared of residential use before the city's 1934 Alley Dwelling Elimination Act.

Using historic survey maps, I've reconstructed the blocks around Blagden Alley-Naylor Court to observe how the alleys were formed and used. Click on any of the images to see in full size.

The 1861 model is based off of the Boschke survey, carried out between 1857 and 1859. This is probably how the blocks looked immediately before the alleys were installed. Some of the structures were built right up against the street frontage, but many more were simply scattered haphazardly in the interior. Since the blocks of the L'Enfant plan are quite large, measuring roughly 500x500 feet, more access was obviously needed to allow for orderly development. As far as I can tell, none of these buildings are currently in existence, at least not in any way resembling their original form.

The 1888 model is based off of Sanborn fire insurance maps. By this point, the blocks are just being fully built out. Many residential row houses have been completed on the outside, including the Victorian home on M Street where Blanche K. Bruce, the first African American senator, lived. 9th street was emerging as the commercial corridor, but N street had a bakery and other shops. Many of the small tenant homes were already completed on the alleys, especially in the southern block around Blagden Alley. Stables were spaced throughout, with the major livery housed on Naylor alley.

This is a closer look at the shape of the alleys themselves (north is now up). Blagden Alley was formed in an H shape with a central vertical axis, a design that was latter maligned as a "blind alley" for its tendency to attract crime. The Naylor Court block is formed completely differently with a strong east-west axis. At this point each of the alleys in this block had different names, but all of the others have since been dropped.

Much has changed by 1928. The first five or six story apartment buildings have been constructed, particularly the Atlantic and Henrietta apartments on N Street. The effects of the transition to automobiles is obvious. A large number of the residential units on the alleys now serve as garages for the homes fronting the outside streets, with a 21 car parking garage and gas station located just off of 9th street. There is some industry, mostly auto body shops, in the interior of the blocks. The first floor of the old livery is used by DC street cleaning, but the second floor still functions as a stable. North Presbyterian Church had been replaced by Salem Baptist Church in 1925.

Today the blocks look much the same, with the exception of a number of gaps in the urban fabric. These lots are either currently vacant or serve as parking lots. Some buildings on the internal alleys have been re-purposed for commercial or office use, something that was not common in the earlier days. The old livery became the host of the DC city archives in 1988, but the buildings labeled industrial are actually still vacant as far as I can tell. All of the brick alleys retain their original shape.

Development


Slow and steady creates Virginia's Urban Development Areas

Over the last couple of years the state government of Virginia has been rolling out a land use planning category for localities known as Urban Development Areas (UDAs), where higher density development can be concentrated.


Image from Albemarle County, Virginia (PDF)

The concept started off slowly in 2007 with HB 3202 as an advisory element to be placed in the Comprehensive Plans of "high growth" localities, but UDAs have gradually been weaved into everything from stormwater regulations to street design requirements over the last year.

The Development and Land Use Tools Subcommittee, known as the Athey-Vogel group, last week released a proposal for stronger UDAs and a loan fund to sweeten the pot. Considering the media has pretty much ignored this process (I can't find any story, actually), it seems like a worthwhile endeavor to pay attention to where this initiative may be going.

The purpose of UDAs is not only to allow the concentration of growth in certain areas (thus relieving the pressure on others) but also to guide the design of such areas to ensure they are livable and attractive environments. The legislation explicitly calls for "new urbanism and traditional-neighborhood design."

The essential criteria are spelled out clearly: pedestrian-friendly road design, interconnection of streets, preservation of natural areas, mixed-use neighborhoods, reduction of front and side setbacks, among other things. Minimum densities are set by floor-to-area ratio for commercial and dwelling-units-per-acre for residential development.

Last week's proposed changes double the density requirements for all localities with populations greater than 50,000 to "eight single-family residences, 12 townhouses, or 24 apartments, condominium units, or cooperative units per acre" and "an authorized floor area ratio of at least 0.8 per acre for commercial development." Additionally, some portion of the UDA needs to be designated as a "receiving area," in case the locality decides to create a Transfer of Development Rights system in the future to help concentrate growth.

Being a part of the Comprehensive Plan, UDAs have no regulatory power in and of themselves. However, a number of carrots are emerging from across the spectrum of state agencies that may give counties an incentive to take UDAs seriously. The Department of Conservation and Recreation has been updating the regulations for stormwater management throughout the state, and the most recent proposed changes take UDAs into account.

Localities would be allowed to set more lenient runoff requirements in UDAs then they would be allowed to in rural areas, and if a developer wants to pay for off-site mitigation instead of reducing impervious surfaces on site, it would be cheaper to do so in UDAs than outside of them ($15,000 instead $23,900 per pound of phosphorous). These provisions have been added in response to many Virginia environmental groups who have recognized the water quality benefits associated with denser living arrangements.

The Virginia Department of Transportation has also aligned their updated Secondary Street Acceptance Requirements with UDAs. These changes are intended to make new local streets better connected, less congested, and friendlier to pedestrians and cyclists. The VDOT requirements are split into compact, suburban, and rural area types, with new streets in the compact tier having the highest level of connectivity and pedestrian accommodations.

This opens the crucial question of where exactly these different area types are located. By designating a UDA, a county automatically accepts the compact tier of requirements for the area. This reinforces the stated goal of "pedestrian-friendly road design" and helps the state lower its long-term maintenance costs. VDOT has even offered a set of grants to communities to assist them in revising zoning codes to be more aligned with the goals of UDAs.

Finally, UDAs are being positioned to receive a larger share of federal and state infrastructure spending in the future. From last weeks draft revision:

"To the extent possible, federal, state and local transportation, housing, and water and sewer facility, economic development, and other public infrastructure funding shall be directed to the urban development area."
To start to make good on this objective, Delegates Jill Vogel and Clay Athey, both Republicans from the the north Shenandoah valley, have proposed a Virginia Infrastructure in Urban Development Areas Loan Fund. If this is approved and funded, it could help local governments invest in the roads, water facilities, and wastewater treatment necessary to encourage focused development.

As Aesop reminded us, slow and steady wins the race. Maryland came out of the gates early with a very public Smart Growth push but has recently been criticized for a lack of substance behind the message. The Virginia reforms are unfolding one by one without the branding campaign and national exposure, but taken together they show a remarkably coherent direction converging from a variety of angles.

UDAs are being justified with the hard-headed language of cost effectiveness that local governments are accustomed to, and Republicans, as well as Democrats, have been key players in moving them forward. A huge amount of public input has been sought, with representation from both development and environmentalist stakeholders, and it is apparently being listened to.

Development


Two (very different) planned towns in Maryland

Passing through the D.C. metro area after New Year's, we decided to visit two classic planned communities in the Maryland suburbs: Greenbelt and Kentlands.


Greenbelt's central business area, built in rounded International Style.

Both were planned and built from the ground up and both contain around 2,000 households. Otherwise, they could not be more different.

One was entirely created by the federal government, the other by private developers. One was born in the depth of the Great Depression, the other during boom years of the American economy. One has a current average home sale price of around $160,000, the other $800,000. One is exclusively modernist in style, the other highly traditional both in planning and architecture.

Anyone who seeks to pigeonhole planning into one ideological camp or the other may want to take a look at these two very different models. While there are certainly arguments to be made either for or against each of these, it seems pretty clear to me that they fit into different economic niches and lifestyle preferences. The overall metro area is that much richer for having both of them.

Greenbelt, Maryland

Our first stop was in Greenbelt, Maryland, the largest of the three garden-city inspired towns built during Franklin Roosevelt's New Deal. Agricultural economist Rexford Guy Tugwell convinced the president that settling a displaced rural population into new towns outside of major cities was more preferable to a back-to-the-land approach, and the U.S. Redevelopment Administration was created for him. While Tugwell originally conceived of 3,000 distinct mostly self-sufficient communities around the country, congressional wrangling, legal battles, and a ticking clock whittled this down to just three. Greenbelt, with the help of avid personal support from Eleanor Roosevelt, was the most complete.


One of many playgrounds tucked between apartments and townhomes.

The town is designed in a crescent shape around a central community and business area, which is within walking distance of all dwellings. Many of the businesses are still functioning as community co-ops, although the federal government has long since left the picture. On the cold Saturday we visited, the New Deal Cafe and the Co-op grocery store seemed to be doing brisk business. The Community Center, originally the town school, contains a whole floor of artist studios, gathering places for seniors, an adjacent library, a gymnasium, and a small museum. We got the impression that this still serves as the communal heart of the town.

Pedestrian underpasses are used to connect this central area with the trail systems weaving throughout the superblocks of surrounding residences. The planners were certainly intent on strictly separating cars from people. Although there is an obvious symmetry and geometric orderliness to the plan, the abundant use of green space and scattered trees still gives it an informal feel. True to the name, natural amenities were an integral part of the plan.


The Community Center feels like an art deco college campus.

Although much of the green belt that originally surrounded the town has been sliced up with major highways or sold off for development, the amount of unprogrammed green space is still unusually high for the area.

The nuclear family was the essential building block of the design, not to mention the overall experiment in New Deal social engineering. Almost all of the original residents were young families (this was clearly intentional, since only 900 of 5,000 applicants were admitted). Small playgrounds are located all over, but one gets the sense that the entire town is built as a comprehensive playground for children. The size of the homes was allotted according to family size; apartments for married couples with infants that could be traded up for townhouses as the family grew.


Cars and pedestrians, never the twain shall meet.

Today, the community gives every impression of being incredibly multi-generational. The same goes for racial diversity. Blacks were, sadly, excluded from the first government settlement, but now comprise around 40% of the population. Given the affordable housing options, there is also a reasonably broad range of income levels in the town. Large signs now welcome visitors into the "inclusive community" of Greenbelt.

According to historian Peter Hall, this globally unique experiment in federal planning collapsed under the weight of an ensuing public outcry against socialism. Sure enough, some of the inspirational engravings lining the community center do give off a downright Soviet vibe, even if they are depicting the U.S. Constitution. According to Hall, "There is a slight irony in that it all happened in the United States, which is almost the last country anyone would expect it to happen. And there, it is hardly surprising that it failed."

Although the initial experiment did undoubtedly fail and many of the design decisions were deliberately anti-urban, in many ways the contemporary Greenbelt community seems to have matured into a more complex, if less ideologically pure, expression of some of its original ideals.

Kentlands, Maryland


Building to the sidewalk encloses the street and caters to the pedestrian.

The Kentlands neighborhood is well known among planners and architects as the first true example of New Urbanism in the United States. The entire development follows a colonial style of architecture, reminiscent of Georgetown or Old Town Alexandria, although that, in and of itself, is hardly unusual for contemporary residential development. What set Kentlands apart from the other subdivisions surrounding it is the incorporation of traditional town elements such as a connected street grid, narrow streets, minimal setback and yard sizes, ample sidewalks, a mix of uses (at least in some cases), and scale to encourage walking. Anyone who's read more than two posts on this blog should be pretty familiar with these concepts.

I recall one time hearing Andres Duany, whose architecture firm was behind Kentlands, explain that a neighborhoods need to stew in its juices for a while like a good soup before it reaches its fullest design expression.


A colonial style is clearly evident throughout the neighborhood.

Kentlands has had over 20 years to grow into itself and the maturation shows. Even in the winter, well-placed trees create a perfect natural accent to the fairly dense residential areas. Residents over time start to settle in and lend a place their own character while still staying within the initially conceived order. We were surprised to stumble upon both a Jewish Synagogue and a Mormon church tucked between the homes.

I'm aware of criticisms lodged against places like Kentlands. In fact, being immersed in academia for the time being, I'm very aware of these criticisms. Kentlands was built on a greenfield on the fringes of a metropolitan area with little access to transit. Although the variety of housing options is quite diverse - this is something the neighborhood does well - moderate to lower-income households are still mostly priced out. Marxist geographer David Harvey may have been a little hyperbolic when he declared that it "builds an image of community and a rhetoric of place-based civic pride and consciousness for those who do not need it, while abandoning those that do to their 'underclass' fate."


A vertical mix of uses is challenging to pull off.

When you consider the context, it seems forgivable that the physical form of one development is unable to achieve large-scale social upheaval or the unraveling of regional agglomeration economies. The commercial center of Kentlands actually folds into a conventional regional shopping plaza with giant parking lots lurking behind, which speaks to the current economic realities that still needed to be considered to make it viable in the marketplace. The proper comparison to Kentlands is what would have been there otherwise, not a theoretical utopia or even New Urbanist ideals themselves. Any real world positive and lasting change has to be incremental.

It's also not hard to imagine some of the more trenchant criticisms dissipating in time. The Shady Grove Metro station is only a 4 mile bus ride away. A little tweak in the price points of automobile travel may facilitate a more transit-oriented adaptation in the future. And housing stock typically becomes more affordable in time, which may take the edge off of claims to exclusivity. In a fast-changing world it can be tough to remember that well-built places will last for a century or more. They can only truly be judged in view of the entirety of their lifespans.

Cross-posted at Discovering Urbanism.

Transit


Virginia rail service has successful first day

Yesterday, I rode the first intercity passenger rail service the Commonwealth of Virginia has ever funded. The train arrived promptly at the station in Charlottesville this morning, and headed on its way to Union Station. A decent-sized crowd boarded with me, and the local media were there to film the event. Passing through the small town of Orange, not yet a stop along the route, an older couple waved to us from their porch. The last time a new service was launched in Virginia was 1956.


Photo by willquale.

Both this line from Lynchburg to DC and another from Richmond to DC, which will start on December 15, were approved by the Commonwealth Board of Transportation as three-year demonstration projects. If ridership figures are there (51,000 annually), this could be a game-changer for intercity transit in Virginia. During a ceremonial "Whistle Stop Tour" along the route yesterday, Governor Tim Kaine suggested that Roanoke may be next. The residents there are already getting excited.

Rail advocates have been fighting for this service for many years. Meredith Richards, president of Virginians for High Speed Rail and Piedmont Rail Coalition, has, by all accounts, led this charge. Not only is the service expected to take 1.4 million cars off the highways each year, it provides a vital economic link between Virginia cities and the nation's capital. I would add that enhancing rail service could only help to facilitate compact development around the rail stations along the route, as well as feed into and strengthen the D.C. metro system.

The service did suffer a setback last spring when the schedule was pushed later by a couple of hours. Many people were concerned that the difference between a 9:20 and an 11:20 arrival would deter commuters. It seems that the very profitable freight rail operations still take precedence over passengers when it comes to scheduling. When I talked to Meredith Richards about this, she was grateful that the Virginia Department of Rail and Public Transit had initiated a new service at all, but she was also concerned that the scheduling would not demonstrate the full ridership potential of the corridor.

This trip is perfectly convenient for me. I needed to be in Crystal City for the American Collegiate Schools of Planning conference from Thursday through Sunday. I live a 10 minute walk from the Charlottesville Amtrak station, and the hotel for the conference is right on the Metro Yellow Line, just three stops up from the Alexandria Amtrak station. The whole trip is cheaper, faster, and less of a hassle than driving. The man next to me says it shaved three hours off his usual trip to Boston, which had previously required a bus and a layover. I doubt we're complete outliers. As more and more people realize that their transportation options have just expanded, the momentum for rail travel in Virginia will surely continue to build.

I made the trip door-to-door within three hours. Not bad for the first day.

Bicycling


What if we counted people like we count vehicles?

Of all of the disparities between different transportation modes, one of the most important and least talked about is the disparity of information. Right now in American cities we have an enormous and expanding set of knowledge about how cars and trucks move, yet we know almost nothing quantitatively about how pedestrians and bicyclists use the infrastructure.


Traffic camera. Photo by brewbooks.

Cameras and in-ground road sensors are placed in strategic locations along roadways, constantly streaming to gather very rich data on vehicular traffic patterns. Here are all of DC's. The data is processed and collected to, among other things, make future projections. Eventually a decision-maker, perhaps recalling that sinking feeling we've all felt after failing an exam, sees a thick red line on the mapLevel of Service Flooming in the future and knows this is very serious indeed. Something happens.

Because pedestrian and bicycle infrastructure lacks this precision of data, or any data at all in most cases, there is little scientific support for funding it. Technocrats see such projects as window-dressing on the business of real mobility, nice features that the Federal Highway Administration lumps together with museums and lighthouse renovations as "transportation enhancements." Most people reading this blog see things differently. But how do we prove it? And how do we efficiently allocate bicycle and pedestrian infrastructure investments where they will be most effective? Useful knowledge simply requires more data.

To be sure, people counting does happen. The National Bicycle and Pedestrian Documentation Project just finished an annual two days of counting earlier this month. Cities and towns across the country participated in the effort to acquire nationally standardized data. Annual "cordon counts" of bicycles have been conducted in downtown D.C., northern Arlington, and a beltway crossing since 1986, allowing some trends to be observed.

Yet a large majority of these counts have to be conducted by hand, with a pen and clipboard, by interns and volunteers standing on street corners. This can be a fun event once in a while, but there is no way to get enough data with this method to account for variances over time: daily and weekly commuting patterns, seasonal variations, responses to weather, special events or other external variables.

Humans are good at doing many things, but counting discrete objects over long periods of time is probably more easily done with computers. One study has shown that workers hired to track pedestrians routinely undercount them. We tend to get tired, eat snacks, and blink too much through hours of tedium. So I asked a friend of mine who studies visual recognition software at U.C. Berkeley about using cameras to count pedestrians on a street. He said the technology has certainly arrived, and the margin of error would be small enough for the purposes of data collection. Indeed, cameras are already commercially available for this exact purpose. For an intensely comprehensive academic bibliography on counting people, see here. Some automated counting has begun in U.S. cities, but it's only in the very beginning stages.

We have a need for better bicycle and pedestrian information. We have the technological means to acquire it fairly easily. We know how to model it and use the models from decades of counting cars. All that remains is the will to make this connection happen.

Public Spaces


Constructive stormwater management proposals emerge in Virginia

When the Virginia Department of Conservation and Recreation (DCR) unveiled proposals for amended stormwater regulations this past spring, some observers were concerned that the stricter regulations would make denser development, and redevelopment of existing sites in particular, more expensive relative to low-density development. This would likely not bode well for smart growth, nor would sparser development ultimately lead to better water quality for the whole Chesapeake Bay watershed.


Photo by loop oh.

To DCR's credit, a period of robust public comment on the proposals was held until Friday, and all 407 online comments can be viewed on their website. As a result of this participation, several environmental groups and experts of various disciplines have offered constructive policy solutions to address this unintended consequence, while still maintaining the original intent of the regulation.

Here's a few creative ideas that have emerged:

David Slutzky, Chairman of the Albemarle County Board of Supervisors and a former senior environmental policy adviser in the Clinton white house, believes that the regulations, as they stand, will "most certainly lead to de-densification of new development activities in the [Urban Development Areas] UDAs." In order to fairly distribute the responsibility of reducing runoff, he would like to offer developers a series of options to meet the new requirements.

His most interesting idea is a tax-credit fund used to reward redevelopment projects (former industrial sites, for example) that go the extra length to reduce impervious surfaces or implement stormwater reduction Best Management Practices (BMPs) on site. The fund would be paid into by developers, at a rate set by the water impacts of their projects, and disbursed by DCR to the most competitive redevelopments of the year. This would seem fair, considering redevelopers are the only ones currently being asked to shoulder the burden of achieving net improvements to the watershed without being offered help with the costs involved. Carrots and sticks belong together.

Senator Creigh Deeds, who also happens to be the Democratic Party's candidate for Governor, has his own suggestions for avoiding the promotion of more sprawl, something he believes the current proposals might lead to. If stormwater requirements were measured by the house, rather than by the acre, then Deeds believes that higher density developments would perform better in the evaluation. Deeds is also in favor of a tax credit incentive for stormwater management in urban redevelopment.

The Southern Environmental Law Center simply suggests reducing the requirements for redevelopment from "return to forested levels" to "return to pre-development levels." This reduction would only apply to redevelopment within UDAs designated by the locality. While only a minor change, the SELC hopes it will be enough to still encourage compact development.

The Rappahannock River Basin Commission wants to see the "refinement of off-site alternatives" for compact developments. There are provisions in the DCR proposal for developers to purchase credits from other sites in lieu of meeting the requirements on site, but many have pointed out that an efficient transfer system has not been adequately explained yet. The statement from the Lord Fairfax Soil and Water Conservation District doesn't exactly spell out an answer, but they do suggest that the regulations "should be examined, clarified, and written to encourage urban redevelopment and smart growth."

All of these recommendations are encouraging to see, and DCR will likely take many of them into account in their final revisions. Environmentalist groups have evolved, as evidenced by these comments, from seeing their mission solely in terms of making all land as much like wilderness as possible to recognizing that the urban and the rural need to be treated differently to reach optimal levels of environmental protection.

As Kaid Benfield has written,

"the best thing to do environmentally is to manage and shape [growth] so that a good quality of life is maintained with the least environmental harm. This is fundamentally about per capita, or per household, thinking: how can we shape the new development so that it has the least impact per increment of growth?

This is the essence of smart growth. But it also represents a fairly radical departure from traditional environmental thinking (and much of environmental law), which focuses our attention not on per capita impacts but on particular pieces of land, parcel-by-parcel."

It looks as if many in Virginia are making this transition.

Retail


"Bank deserts" harm underserved communities

The term "food desert," a neighborhood without sufficient access to healthy foods, has quickly become an accepted phrase for anyone thinking about cities. Now the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. has released data suggesting that the same phenomenon has been occurring with newly opened bank branches. They've been able to identity a pretty strong positive correlation between the siting of new banks and the median income of an area. Out of more than 10,000 branches opened in the last five years, only 1 out of 10 were placed in an urban location with high minority populations.


Photo by Thomas Hawk.

So what? Given all of the toxic asset and bank failure mayhem being announced everyday, it may seem that folks are better off if Citigroup doesn't want to set up shop on their block. However, without a physical bank within easy reach, many low-income residents have had no choice but to pay higher fees for check-cashing services, often businesses that also wave fast money in their face with unreasonable interest rates attached. The same demographic that may be more likely to receive a physical paycheck and less likely to have access to internet banking happen to be the ones who are being underserved.

I see this every day. There's a "payday loan" operation and two "Quik Mart"-type convenience stores right across the street from me. Why is it that expensive low-quality food and expensive low-quality financial services cluster together? It's probably because of a lack of market options due to spatial barriers and transportation infrastructure deficiencies. We can have a conversation about personal responsibility to eat well and make sound financial decisions, but as this data and my own experiences indicate, these decisions too often run into the simple barriers of geography.

Public Spaces


Stormwater management should work with, not against, Smart Growth

Virginia is updating statewide stormwater regulations. A draft is open for public comment until August 21, 2009. Some people are concerned that the stricter caps on nutrient loads, as currently written, will promote low-density development and ultimately hurt the water quality and quantity of runoff in the Chesapeake Bay watershed.


Raining downtown, and that's just fine. Photo by bobtravis.

Here's a simple but realistic hypothetical scenario. Developer A wants to develop 100 dwelling units on 1,000 acres of land, and developer B wants to develop 100 dwelling units on 10 acres of land. Developer A will only need to cover 10% of her large site with impervious surface, while developer B will need to cover 70% of her small site with impervious surface. Developer A assumes that 100% of residents will use an automobile for transportation, while Developer B assumes 50% will primarily walk or use transit. Therefore, Developer A's project will require twice as many parking spaces and approximately twice as much road width in the region, but will accommodate most of the parking off-site.

Under the stormwater regulations being proposed, Developer A will likely score an A+ with a pass to move forward, while Developer B will fail. This is because the standards are determined, site-by-site, on a per acre basis and not a per unit basis. Developer B may have the option of purchasing off-site water quality improvements or implementing a set of BMPs to offset the damage she is incurring, but she takes a hard look at her balance sheet and decides to join developer A as a business partner. What benefited the individual acres of the sites in question clearly was an overall loss for the watershed as a whole.

And considering opportunity costs makes the situation even dicier. What if these developers bypass infill redevelopment of an industrial site for a more compliant and cheaper greenfield development? (Stormwater controls will generally be more expensive for redevelopment than new development). Now you have impervious surfaces in two places, instead of one.

The economic market analysis, conducted for the Department of Conservation and Recreation by a Virginia Tech professor, bears this out in more detail.

Based on this site-by-site method, low density developments would produce less estimated phosphorus runoff than medium or high density areas. Very low density developments (1 dwelling unit per 3 to 5 acres) would unlikely face any water quality control requirements. Yet, on a watershed basis, low-density ("sprawl") development increases dependence on auto transport (thus increasing emissions and roadway impervious surfaces). Highly impervious areas accompanied by dense population settlement can produce net water quality improvements, independent of whether stormwater controls are implemented ... Higher phosphorous control costs in high density developments create financial disincentives that may work at cross purposes with larger watershed objectives.
I'm no hydrologist. Most of the science and bureaucratic mechanisms behind this policy are pretty bewildering, and I don't really have the time to try to figure them out. Furthermore, I thought it might be safe to assume that as glaring a potential problem as this is, somebody in the state offices must be working to sort it out. Then I read this comment from a member of the Technical Advisory Committee that helped craft the policy:
Stormwater management seeks to replicate the water quality and quantity benefits that are provided by a natural, undeveloped landscape. Development that contains more natural landscape (e.g. rural dev.) will consequently find it less costly to comply. This is not a fault of the stormwater management regulation; it is a natural consequence of the hydrologic cycle.
In other words: That's life. Deal with it. He went on,
Stormwater codes should be judged on how well they manage runoff quantity and quality, not how well they do or don't control growth ... Smart growth codes should be judged by how well they control sprawl.
This is where the trouble lies. Sometimes genuinely smart and well-intentioned people err by focusing intently on the piece of the puzzle they have been commissioned to solve, thereby missing the larger system within which their problem is embedded. It's the classic widen-the-freeway-to-reduce-congestion scenario. It may solve the technical problem at hand, but it exacerbates the real problem.

The fact is that stormwater management and Smart Growth have everything to do with each other. Treating them separately and pitting one against the other is a losing game for both water quality and growth of development.

This was demonstrated pretty convincingly by a 2006 EPA report. Here are the three scenarios proposed by the study:


From the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, Protecting Water Resources with Higher-Density Development.

They put this model to empirical tests and mined numerous other studies to back up their conclusions. Once again, the crux of difference:

The results indicate when runoff is measured by the acre, limiting density does produce less stormwater runoff when compared to the higher-density scenarios. However, when measured by the house, higher densities produce less stormwater runoff.
They show that this is the lapse in logic that lead so many regulatory agencies to assume that sprawl is good for controlling stormwater runoff:
Many communities assume that low-density development automatically protects water resources. This study has shown that this assumption is flawed and that pursuit of low-density development can in fact be counterproductive, contributing to high rates of land conversion and stormwater runoff and missing opportunities to preserve valuable land within watersheds.
And this report focuses exclusively on quantity of water runoff. If you look at the issue of quality and factor in the introduction of pollutants such as motor fuels, de-icing chemicals, vehicular exhaust, lawn fertilizers and pesticides, faulty septic systems, and more into the water supply, the case against promoting low-density development grows and grows.

Let's not strike out on this one.

Crossposted at Discovering Urbanism.

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